Recently, the Philippine National Police Academy (PNPA) was rocked by another incident of hazing. Twenty underclassmen were subjected to physical abuse by their upperclassmen on April 3, 2026.
Three cadets were arrested after victims were found with burns and injuries caused by exposure to a mixture of drain cleaner and muriatic acid. The plebes were punished after being blamed for an issue involving a cadet who intended to resign. Charges were filed under Republic Act No. 11053, the Anti-Hazing Act. The Chief of the Philippine National Police immediately issued a statement emphasizing zero tolerance for hazing. The message was strong, categorical, and familiar.
We have heard this before. Another scandal. Another round of condemnations. Another promise that hazing will not be tolerated. And yet hazing continues. It persists through reforms, memoranda, and public pronouncements.
The persistence of hazing in the PNPA is not simply a matter of individual deviance or failure to comply with rules. It is deeply embedded in the culture of police socialization. It is transmitted across generations of cadets. It is justified by those who endured it. It is romanticized by those who survived it. It is tolerated informally even while condemned publicly.
Social learning theory provides a powerful explanation for why hazing continues despite strict prohibitions. According to social learning theory, behavior is learned through interaction with others, particularly through observation, imitation, and reinforcement. Individuals learn not only techniques but also motivations, rationalizations, and attitudes toward certain behaviors.
Within the PNPA, hazing has become part of the informal curriculum. When freshmen enter the academy, they are mentored by upperclassmen who themselves had been subjected to hazing. These upperclassmen replicate what they experienced, often believing that the process is necessary for the development of discipline and resilience. The style, form, and severity of hazing may change across batches, becoming more sophisticated or more concealed, but the underlying rationale remains consistent. Hazing becomes normalized as part of the initiation process into the police profession.
Many cadets justify hazing as a necessary component of discipline. They argue that police work involves constant pressure and exposure to danger, requiring officers to make rapid decisions under stressful conditions. Hazing, they claim, simulates the pressure of real-life police work. The hardship endured during hazing is framed as preparation for the harsh realities of policing.
This justification reflects the mechanisms described in neutralization theory, where individuals rationalize deviant behavior by appealing to higher purposes or denying the harmful consequences of their actions. Hazing is reframed not as abuse but as training. Pain becomes discipline, and violence becomes preparation. The argument appears persuasive on the surface, but its logic collapses under closer scrutiny. Professional competence is not developed through cruelty. Ethical decision-making is not strengthened by humiliation. Discipline is not cultivated through fear.
Empirical research on police deviance suggests that organizational cultures that tolerate internal abuse are more likely to tolerate external abuse. When violence becomes normalized internally, it becomes easier to justify violence externally. The acceptance of hazing may therefore contribute to the normalization of excessive force and other forms of misconduct.
In my previous work examining police corruption and noble cause corruption in the Philippines, I observed that strong internal loyalty combined with weak accountability mechanisms creates fertile ground for misconduct. The so-called code of silence becomes a protective shield against administrative sanctions and criminal liability. Police officers are reluctant to testify against fellow officers, especially those belonging to the same batch. Loyalty to the group takes precedence over loyalty to the law.
Another justification offered by cadets is that hazing promotes bonding and solidarity among batch members. Shared hardship produces strong emotional ties, reinforcing loyalty and mutual protection. Sociological theories of group cohesion explain how shared experiences of adversity strengthen interpersonal bonds. Military organizations often use controlled hardship to build solidarity.
However, solidarity becomes problematic when it transforms into complicity. The same cohesion that strengthens teamwork may also weaken accountability. Officers may become more willing to conceal wrongdoing to protect their peers. Loyalty becomes a barrier to ethical conduct.
The bonding produced by hazing reinforces the development of tightly knit networks within the police organization. In the Philippine context, where personal relationships often influence organizational behavior, these bonds become particularly influential. In my previous work on police professionalization in the Philippines, I have discussed how batch affiliation often shapes career trajectories, assignments, and protection from administrative sanctions. The formation of strong batch identities may strengthen informal power structures that undermine merit-based promotion and accountability systems. Hazing becomes part of the ritual that solidifies these networks.
A third justification for hazing is the belief that it removes weakness among police applicants. The metaphor often invoked is gold purified by fire, suggesting that hardship reveals true character. Those who endure hazing are believed to possess the strength necessary for police work. This reasoning reflects elements of strain theory and social selection arguments, suggesting that exposure to adversity produces resilience.
However, the nature of policing in modern democratic societies requires competencies beyond physical endurance. Effective policing requires emotional intelligence, ethical judgment, communication skills, and the capacity for restraint. Hazing does not necessarily cultivate these qualities. Instead, it may reinforce aggression, conformity, and tolerance for abuse.
The danger lies not only in the physical harm caused by hazing but in its long-term impact on organizational culture. Organizational culture theory explains how informal norms persist even when formal rules prohibit certain practices. Officially, hazing is banned in the PNPA. Informally, however, it may be tolerated or even subtly encouraged. Leaders may publicly condemn hazing while privately viewing it as part of the traditional training process. This creates a gap between formal policies and actual practices. Organizational scholars describe this phenomenon as institutional hypocrisy, where formal rules exist primarily for symbolic compliance while informal practices continue unchanged.
Within such an environment, hazing becomes more sophisticated and concealed. Cadets develop strategies to avoid detection, ensuring that incidents do not reach the public domain. The institution appears to play a double game: publicly condemning hazing while informally tolerating it. When incidents become public, a few individuals are punished, often portrayed as isolated violators of institutional norms. Yet the broader cultural dynamics remain unaddressed. Those punished may feel that they have been made scapegoats for practices widely known but tacitly accepted.
The persistence of hazing demonstrates that formal prohibition alone is insufficient. Cultural change is necessary. The justifications used to defend hazing must be challenged directly. Alternative methods of developing discipline, resilience, and solidarity must be introduced. Cultural transformation requires consistent messaging from institutional leaders, alumni, and instructors.
Newly admitted cadets must explicitly reject hazing as part of their professional identity. Formal pledges signed by cadets and their parents may reinforce the seriousness of the prohibition. Orientation programs must clearly communicate that hazing is incompatible with professional policing. The commitment must be renewed regularly to emphasize continuity of institutional values. Norms must be reshaped so that refusal to participate in hazing becomes an expression of professionalism rather than weakness.
Whistleblower protection is essential in transforming organizational culture. Victims of hazing often remain silent due to fear of retaliation and ostracism. The labeling of complainants as weak or disloyal reinforces silence. Research on organizational misconduct consistently demonstrates that wrongdoing persists when reporting mechanisms are perceived as unsafe. Confidential reporting channels, immediate protection from retaliation, and visible institutional support for complainants are necessary to encourage reporting. Without credible protection, silence will continue to shield misconduct.
Alumni also play a critical role in shaping institutional culture. Statements glorifying hazing reinforce narratives that abuse contributes to professional development. When respected figures attribute their discipline or toughness to hazing, they legitimize the practice. Leadership communication significantly influences organizational norms. Alumni must instead emphasize that professionalism arises from ethical training, competence, and commitment to public service rather than endurance of unnecessary suffering.
Structural reforms may also reduce opportunities for hazing. The interaction between batches, particularly between sophomores and freshmen, creates conditions conducive to abuse. The cyclical nature of hazing reflects patterns observed in criminological research on victimization, where victims of abuse may become perpetrators.
Institutional design can interrupt this cycle. Structured mentoring programs with clear supervision may replace informal inter-batch interactions that facilitate hazing. Lessons from correctional management demonstrate that separating vulnerable populations from potential aggressors reduces victimization. Newly admitted inmates are often protected from veteran prisoners during their initial period of confinement. Similar protective measures may be adapted within training academies.
Zero tolerance policies must be implemented consistently. Investigations must be thorough, impartial, and transparent. Selective enforcement undermines credibility and reinforces perceptions that hazing is tolerated as long as it remains hidden. Consistent accountability communicates institutional seriousness. Individuals found responsible for hazing must face appropriate sanctions, while institutional leaders must also examine the broader cultural conditions that allow hazing to persist.
Ultimately, the PNPA must define the type of police officers it seeks to develop. Professional policing requires ethical judgment, respect for human dignity, and commitment to the rule of law. Police officers wield significant authority, including the power to detain, arrest, and use force. Such authority must be exercised with restraint and responsibility. Hazing teaches lessons inconsistent with these values. It communicates that power may be used against the vulnerable, that suffering is necessary for belonging, and that silence demonstrates loyalty.
Democratic policing requires a different foundation. Professional identity must be rooted in competence, accountability, and service to the community. Cultural transformation is more difficult than policy reform, but it is essential for meaningful institutional change. Until the underlying cultural dynamics are addressed, incidents of hazing will continue to emerge despite formal prohibitions.
The continued presence of hazing within the PNPA raises fundamental questions about the socialization of police officers in the Philippines. If the institution seeks to promote professionalism, integrity, and respect for human rights, then practices that normalize violence within the organization must be eliminated. The challenge lies not only in enforcing rules but in reshaping the values that guide behavior.
Hazing is not a harmless tradition or a necessary rite of passage. It undermines the ethical foundations of policing and perpetuates a culture of silence. Addressing hazing requires sustained commitment to cultural change, consistent accountability, and the development of alternative pathways to build discipline and solidarity. Only then can the PNPA fulfill its mandate of preparing police officers who are not only competent but also committed to justice and the rule of law. – Rappler.com
Raymund E. Narag, PhD, is an associate professor in criminology and criminal justice at the School of Justice and Public Safety, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale.


